U.S.-Israeli Relationship

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U.S.-Israeli Relationship

I strongly support the U.S.-Israel relationship, and I will continue my support for it when I am elected. Israel is a natural and important US ally, and I support a strong relationship for three reasons: First, we share political and economic values exemplified by our love for open representative government, appreciation for the free market, and desires for peace. Second, Israel’s “special relationship” with the United States through economic, political, and military ties is important to the interests of both counties. Third, Israel’s right and ability to defend itself from existential threats—be it Hezbollah, Hamas, Iran, or any other source that may threaten Israel’s security and future—are vital for Israel’s continued existence and peace and stability in the region.
Preserving the strength of the U.S.-Israel alliance should remain a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East, manifested by 1) U.S. support for Israel’s security and right to self-defense; 2) confronting the existential threat that Iran poses to Israel; 3) continuing support in the peace process that ensures Palestinian leaders show the same commitment as their Israeli counterparts, and 4) continuing free trade policies mutually beneficial to the U.S. and Israel.

1. U.S. Support for Israel’s Security and Right to Self-Defense

The United States and Israel share a commitment to peace in the Middle East. The U.S. has always recognized that Israel faces a constant military and terrorist threat on its doorstep. Palestinian leadership has consistently failed to fulfill its obligations under internationally backed agreements to fight terrorism and institute political, economic and security reforms necessary to long-term peace and stability. I believe that the fulfillment of these reforms would bring stability and prosperity to the region that heretofore has not been seen.
As a member of the Senate, I will support policies that isolate Hamas and support legitimate efforts towards peace by the Palestinian Authority. I will reject any accommodation with terrorists or any other party that threatens Israel’s existence. I support Israel’s right to defend itself against Hamas, Hezbollah and other terrorists, including the right to refuse to negotiate with Palestinian leaders linked to terrorism and to refuse to have peace treaties imposed by third parties.

2. Confronting the Threat from Iran

Tehran’s rogue regime represents a menace to peace and stability in the region and the world and an on-going, serious threat to Israel. The dictatorship in Iran continues to export its radical ideology to Israel’s neighbors by waging proxy conflicts, especially in Lebanon and Syria, through the terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah. Further, Iran has defied the international community and flaunted violations of international law with its development of nuclear weapons. President Ahmadinejad’s Holocaust denial further demonstrates the regime’s disconnect from reality and threat to Israel and Iran’s other neighbors.
As a Senator, I would support targeted sanctions such as the “Iran Refined Petroleum Sanctions Act,” particularly because it relates to the defense of the United States both directly and indirectly. In addition, I fully support robust international efforts to contain Iran and eliminate their nuclear program. This diplomacy must be bolstered by both defensive and offensive options as necessary to ensure security in the region and the world.
I would also support the “Iran Sanctions Enabling Act of 2009” that authorizes state and local governments to divest from companies investing in Iran’s petroleum and natural gas sector. This legislation would deprive Iran of the money it needs to pursue nuclear weapons, ratcheting up pressure on those who indirectly finance Tehran’s nuclear pursuits.

3. The Peace Process

The United States has a moral obligation to lead in world affairs, and I support the general principles laid out in the 2002 Roadmap for Peace. Ultimately, however, I believe that peace rests in the hands of the Israelis and Palestinians and their elected governments, not in other nations or groups not directly subject to the effects of the conflict. While the removal of some settlements in the West Bank may seem a good idea to some, the U.S. government should respect the duly elected Israeli leaders’ decisions on this issue.
Because I believe in Israel’s right of self-determination and understand its unique geographical vulnerabilities, I find it counter-productive for other governments to dictate the ultimate disposition of the West Bank to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. I believe peace will happen when Palestinians demand peace of their leaders, recognize Israel’s right to exist, establish a functioning government, and institute a free market economy. The United States and the international community should be supportive of these goals but should not dictate the terms to Israeli nor Palestinian leaders.
As part of its sovereignty, the Israeli people have the right to declare their capital within their own borders. While I support moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, such a decision must be considered within the broader context of the peace process. I would encourage the Obama Administration to work with the Israeli government and conform to the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995, passed by Congress, as long as this would not threaten the overall peace process.

4. Mutually Benefits Through Free Trade

In addition to very important strategic military ties and interests, which I support, the United States and Israel share similar economic philosophies and markets. Israel grew from an agricultural base to a more diversified economy that now counts information technology and pharmaceutical research among its largest exports. The U.S. must support Israel’s continued commitment to open markets, free trade, and entrepreneurialism by placing faith in the abilities and imagination of the individual, not the government, as the main driver of the economy. I am an advocate of the classical school of economics which allows the “invisible hand” of the market to pick winners, not government bureaucrats.
Free trade strengthens both Israel and the U.S. and has been called a “no-cost jobs measure.” Israel, despite its lack of natural resources, has developed its human and intellectual capital into one of the most vibrant information technology sectors outside California’s Silicon Valley, a robust domestic defense industry, and numerous other highly skilled economic achievements. The U.S. also receives significant benefits from Israeli technological innovation, intelligence cooperation, joint training, and Israel’s extensive experience battling terrorism.